The bosses of Vodafone, Orange, Telenor and BT wrote to the EU’s three presidents on 6 August. The letter, first reported by Politico, went to Ursula von der Leyen, Roberta Metsola and Antonio Costa. “Children need protection now, not in several years’ time,” the four wrote.
Margherita Della Valle, Christel Heydemann, Benedicte Schilbred Fasmer and Allison Kirkby want two things. First, EU-wide administrative orders that let internet providers block confirmed illegal content while the original host still carries it. Second, a new EU watchdog with the legal authority to keep a database of CSAM indicators for enforcement.
Why now
The timing is not an accident. Europe hosts most of this material. The Internet Watch Foundation found that 63% of CSAM webpages last year sat on servers in the EU, led by Bulgaria and the Netherlands. The CEOs call that a reason for Europe to “show global leadership.”
They also say the current rules tie their hands. “We already act where the law allows but the position is varied and uncertain in practice,” they wrote. Blocking a site confirmed as illegal by a hotline is simple in one country and buried in red tape in the next. Those barriers, they argue, “must be removed, urgently.”
Into a radioactive debate
The letter lands in the middle of the EU’s long “Chat Control” fight. This spring, Parliament first rejected a stopgap law, then lawmakers revived it through procedural steps. It lets platforms keep scanning voluntarily and now runs only to 2028. The permanent CSA Regulation is still stuck in trilogue.
That fight has a clear fault line. In November, member states dropped mandatory scanning of private and encrypted messages after years of deadlock. Three countries still voted against. Digital-rights groups such as EDRi warn that even voluntary regimes normalise surveillance, and that weakening encryption helps no one.
The telcos are asking for something narrower than message scanning. They want confirmed-illegal websites blocked, not private chats read. It still raises the same hard questions. Who confirms a page is illegal, and who audits that call? What stops lawful content being swept up too? The EU already leans on platforms through the Digital Services Act, and UK regulators press through Ofcom.
What is new is who is asking. For years the loudest voices here were platforms resisting mandates and campaigners demanding them. Now the network operators want both the power to act and the legal cover to use it. That shifts the politics, even as the underlying tension between protecting children and protecting privacy stays exactly where it was.
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